Statement delivered by Ambassador Armen Papikyan at the 1283th PC meeting on the Aggression of Azerbaijan against Artsakh and Armenia with the Direct Involvement of Turkey and Foreign Terrorist Fighters

01 October, 2020

As of October 1, Azerbaijan’s large-scale aggression against Artsakh continues unabated. Azerbaijani armed forces continue carrying out extensive aerial, missile and land attacks along the entire line of contact between Artsakh and Azerbaijan. On what is now the fifth day of its aggression, the Azerbaijani army continues to use a wide range of heavy weaponry, including large-calibre artillery systems, multiple rocket launchers of various calibres, aviation and unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) targeting civilian settlements and infrastructure. In particular, the city of Martuni in the eastern part of the Republic of Artsakh came under attack yesterday, resulting in three further casualties among the civilian population.

Yesterday, on 30 September, F-16 fighter jets of the Turkish air force continued to operate in the airspace at the north-eastern and southern directions of the line of contact. At the 1282nd (special) meeting of the Permanent Council on 29 September and the 956th meeting of the Forum for Security Co-operation on 30 September, we already mentioned the involvement of Turkish F-16 fighter jets, which were deployed to Azerbaijan during the large-scale Turkish-Azerbaijani military exercises held from 29 July to 13 August and remained stationed there. Since then, these fighter jets have conducted a number of provocative flights along the line of contact between Artsakh and Azerbaijan. Furthermore, after Azerbaijan unleashed its aggression on 27 September, the Turkish air force has been providing air support to the attacking combat units of the Azerbaijani army.

The provocative actions of the Turkish armed forces gravely undermine regional security and hinder the efforts of the international community to bring about a cessation of hostilities.

The international community has persistently called on the external actors to refrain from escalating the conflict, and Turkey should heed these calls.

Mr. Chairperson,

We wish to draw the Permanent Council’s attention to the fact that on 29 September, following the closed discussions on the escalation of tensions in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict zone, the members of the United Nations Security Council strongly condemned the use of force and voiced their support for the United Nations Secretary-General’s call to immediately cease all hostilities, de-escalate tensions and return to constructive negotiations. The members of the United Nations Security Council also expressed their full support for the central role of the Co-Chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group.

The press elements released following the aforementioned discussions, together with reports in various media about the positions expressed by the members of the United Nations Security Council indeed effectively disclaims, put an end to the speculations and claims by the Azerbaijani authorities regarding their alleged right to use military force against the Republic of Artsakh. It is obvious that all the attempts by the Azerbaijani and Turkish Governments to enlist the support of other countries and organizations for their internationally wrongful acts have utterly failed.

Over the past 28 years, the actions of the Azerbaijani Government have been aimed to destabilize the situation along the line of contact. The reluctance to implement measures aimed at building confidence and reducing tensions, the promotion of xenophobia and hatred against Armenians, the rejection of direct talks with the elected representatives of the Republic of Artsakh, attempts to isolate Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh in every possible way – these are just some elements of Azerbaijani policy.

Mr. Chairperson,

We are now into the fifth day of hostilities, and there is no need for me to even make further efforts here to demonstrate the premeditated and pre-planned nature of this offensive, which the representatives of Azerbaijan and Turkey do not tire of denying. I would merely refer to the numerous statements made by Azerbaijani representatives at all levels before the aggression – from the President down to ambassadors, members of parliament and other officials prior to the aggression. It is worth recalling their assessments of the peace process and the work of the Minsk Group Co-Chairs. The main thrust of these assessments was as follows: Azerbaijan is already making a concession by agreeing to a peace process; if Armenia and Artsakh do not immediately concede to all of Azerbaijan’s demands, it has the means and capacity, and most importantly the legitimate right, to “restore Azerbaijan’s infringed territorial integrity by force”. Indeed, the statement of the Ambassador of Azerbaijan at the special PC meeting contained the same message. We also firmly believe that already during the July offensive and in its aftermath the Azerbaijani leadership in its politico-military calculations had already decided to switch to the full-on use of military force. We recall that, following the July offensive, the Azerbaijani President appointed a new Foreign Minister, thereby signalling that he was no longer interested in a negotiated settlement of the conflict.

Moreover, the President of Azerbaijan made a statement yesterday to the effect that his country is not going to stop the military actions until it achieves its goal, which is to force the Armenians out of Nagorno-Karabakh. This would be a continuation of the policy of ethnic cleansing that Azerbaijan has carried out starting from 1988. The Republic of Armenia has always affirmed that it will support the people of Artsakh in their aspiration to live safely in their homeland and will take all necessary measures, including political ones, to ensure the status and safety of Artsakh.

Mr. Chairperson,

At the special meeting of the Permanent Council on 29 September we already elaborated on the issue of Turkey’s direct engagement in assisting the Azerbaijani aggression against Artsakh and Armenia. That engagement has become even more obvious in the following days.

There have been reports from reliable open sources indicating that Turkey is preparing to deploy commandos from its elite Special Forces Command “Brigade Commandos” from Istanbul to Azerbaijan in order to fight against the Armenian troops in Artsakh and/or Armenia.

Moreover, in Azerbaijan’s latest offensive, command-and-control functions over the military operations are conducted by Turkish officers and experts, including high-ranking personnel from the Turkish Ministry of Defence. The Turkish-made Bayraktar drones that are currently being used in the fighting are operated by Turkish specialists. By the way, this is not something new. During the April War of 2016 the UAVs used by Azerbaijan were also operated by foreign specialists. Furthermore, the air force units on Azerbaijan’s side are operating under the overall command of Turkey, apparently from a remote air command post located in an area between the Turkish cities of Erzurum and Kars.

Mr. Chairperson,

We have already discussed how Syrian mercenaries are being deployed to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict zone. Despite tireless denials by Turkey and Azerbaijan, numerous Syrian mercenaries have spoken to Reuters, The Guardian, the BBC and many other reputable media and journalists. There are credible reports of recruitment points being set up at the schools of Amir Gobari and Ajar Afrin in the Syrian city of Afrin. In an interview with the Rudaw television channel, Ziad Hajj Obeid, a commander of the Turkish-backed Syrian National Army, spoke about the reasons driving Syrian rebels to join in the fight in Azerbaijan. He says: “Obviously, some went to Azerbaijan for financial incentives, but others made the decision out of a sense of duty towards our Turkish allies. Turkey has been our main supporter in Syria, and we are simply returning the favour.” There is already ample evidence of how thousands of foreign terrorist fighters are being transferred from Syria and Libya to Azerbaijan, including Nakhichevan, to fight against Artsakh and potentially also against Armenia – the body of evidence is growing by the day.

We regret that Azerbaijan has decided to turn itself into a proxy of Turkey, and that along with other Turkish proxies it is now destabilizing the entire region.

Turkey’s relocation of foreign terrorist fighters from Syria and Libya to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict zone pursues a far-reaching goal and is bound to have destructive consequences in terms of the security and stability of the South Caucasus region and beyond. This mobilization of mercenaries is in keeping with the logic of the foreign policy that Turkey has been conducting in recent years.

Terrorist fighters, Islamic fundamentalists and jihadists have been extensively used as mercenaries by the current Turkish leadership to project its interests and widen its influence over the neighbouring regions. In this particular case, Azerbaijan is seen by Turkey simply as a means to serve the purpose of that policy, and we have no doubts whatsoever that eventually the territory of Azerbaijan will be used as a hub for terrorist groups. What is even more, the presence of those terrorists will plunge Azerbaijan and the entire region into yet another bloodbath.

This prospect is deeply troubling not only for Armenia and Artsakh: it is also a direct threat to the security and stability of all the countries of the South Caucasus region and those neighbouring it. We have already seen the commentary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia, strong messages of others. I hope that other countries in the region will realize sooner rather than later that the relocation of foreign terrorist groups from the Middle East and elsewhere to the South Caucasus, a region that is within the area of responsibility of the OSCE, poses a direct threat to all – and I repeat again – to all countries of the South Caucasus and beyond.

Mr. Chairperson,

We do believe that the realities on the ground that have emerged in Nagorno-Karabakh in the course of almost three decades of de-facto independence, including the fact of hundreds of thousands of people living in their homeland, should be recognised. Through tireless efforts, the people of Nagorno-Karabakh have been building their statehood against all the odds. The Republic of Artsakh, with its already well-established State structures and bodies, is the embodiment of the aspirations of the people of Nagorno-Karabakh and the guarantor of their rights. This is a reality that can neither be denied nor ignored.

Azerbaijan considered it had the legitimate right to use force in response to the demands for self-determination by the Armenian majority of Nagorno-Karabakh back in 1988, and as we may see, this policy has not changed. Unfortunately, civilians are paying a heavy price for Azerbaijan’s misperceptions regarding its military might and for its wilful misinterpretation of international law.

The Turkish-Azerbaijani joint aggression with the involvement of mercenaries is a clear violation of international law, including international humanitarian law. In this regard we would recall United Nations General Assembly resolution A/RES/47/84, adopted on 16 December 1992, which denounces the use of mercenaries as a means to violate human rights and to impede the exercise of the right of peoples to self-determination.

The essence of self-determination is the right of a people to choose freely and to determine its own destiny. This right is enshrined in Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations. It is also recognized as an inherent right of all peoples in the first articles of both the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.

The inclusion of the right to self-determination in the two International Covenants on Human Rights was meant to emphasize that self-determination is an integral part of human rights law and has a universal application. At the same time, the Covenants recognize that being able to exercise the right to self-determination is a fundamental condition for the enjoyment of other human rights and fundamental freedoms, be they civil, political, economic, social or cultural.

We believe that the participating States should recommit themselves to the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations, the International Covenants on Human Rights, the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States, and the Helsinki Final Act. There should not be a selective approach to the implementation of these principles. Attempts to arrange the OSCE fundamental principles into an artificial “hierarchy” are not conducive to dialogue and creation of a co-operative and constructive environment, which is necessary to restore trust.

Thank you.

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